News

Veranstaltungseinladung: Die Ukraine zwischen Stillstand und Aufbruch

15/06/2016 18:00

Die Ukraine zwischen Stillstand und Aufbruch

Das International Institute for Peace (IIP), das Renner Institut und die Forschungsstelle für Eurasische Studien der Universität Wien möchte Sie herzlichst zu folgender Podiumsdiskussion einladen:

 

Termin                                               Mittwoch, 15. Juni 2016, 18.00 Uhr

 

Ort                                                     Karl-Renner-Institut, Bruno-Kreisky-Saal

                                                          Eingang: Gartenhotel Altmannsdorf (Hotel 1)

                                                          Hoffingergasse 26, 1120 Wien

 

Begrüßung

GERHARD MARCHL,                      Karl-Renner-Institut, Fachbereich Europäische Politik

 

Podium

SERGEY UTKIN,                             Leiter der Abteilung für Strategische Planung am

                                                      Zentrum für Situationsanalyse der Russischen

                                                      Akademie der Wissenschaften (RAN);

                                                      Experte des Russian International Affairs Council (RIAC)

PETER HAVLIK,                              Wiener Institut für Internationale Wirtschaftsvergleiche (WIIW),

                                                      Senior Economist

ALEXEJ JAKUBIN,                          Nationale Technische Universität der Ukraine (KPI),

                                                      Fakultät für Soziologie und Recht

KERSTIN S. JOBST,                       Universität Wien, Institut für Osteuropäische Geschichte

HANNES SWOBODA,                      Präsident des International Institute for Peace (IIP) und 

                                                      Präsident des Ustinov Instituts

 

Moderation

ALEXANDER DUBOWY,                Universität Wien, Koordinator der Forschungsstelle

                                                    für Eurasische Studien (EURAS);

                                                    Universität Wien / Landesverteidigungsakademie Wien,

                                                    Forschungsgruppe Polemologie und Rechtsethik

 

Inhalt

 

Der Sieg beim Eurovision Songcontest rückte die Ukraine für wenige Tage in den Mittelpunkt positiver Medienberichterstattung, konnte jedoch nicht darüber hinwegtäuschen, dass sich das Land weiterhin in einer akuten Krisensituation befindet. Die friedliche Beilegung des de facto eingefrorenen Konfliktes im Osten des Landes ist weiterhin nicht in Sicht; der Waffenstillstand ist brüchig. Präsident Petro Poroschenko und die Regierung haben ihre Reformversprechen kaum erfüllt, die Bekämpfung der Korruption nur unzureichend vorangetrieben und stark an Vertrauen eingebüßt. Die Wirtschaftsleistung des Landes ist in den vergangenen Jahren eingebrochen.

Im Rahmen der Diskussion sollen einerseits die Herausforderungen des Landes analysiert und andererseits mögliche bereits bestehende Anzeichen des Aufbruchs sowie Voraussetzungen für einen echten Ausweg aus der Krise skizziert und diskutiert werden.

 

Die Veranstaltung findet in deutscher und russischer Sprache mit Simultanübersetzung statt.

Im Anschluss besteht die Möglichkeit zum Austausch bei Erfrischungsgetränken und Snacks.

 

Anmeldung

Karl-Renner-Institut

F 01 804 08 74

post@renner-institut.at

 

Mit freundlicher Unterstützung der Landesverteidigungsakademie und der Abteilung für Polemologie und Rechtsethik der Universität Wien

Veranstaltungseinladung: POPULISMUS UND POLITISCHE SPRACHE

09/06/2016 17:00

 

Einladung zum Vortrag und der Podiumsdiskussion:

 

mit

 

Dr. Elisabeth Wehling,                Linguistin & Kommunikationspsychologin (University of
                                                   California, Berkeley)

Prof. Dr. Walter Ötsch,                Ökonom und Kulturhistoriker (Cusanus Hochschule in

                                                   Bernkastel-Kues; Kepler-Universität Linz)

Dr. Hannes Swoboda                  Präsident des IIP und des Ustinov Instituts

 

Datum:                                        Donnerstag, 9. Juni 2016

Uhrzeit:                                       17.00 Uhr

Ort:                                              Presseclub Concordia (Bankgasse 8, 1010 Wien)

 

POPULISMUS UND POLITISCHE SPRACHE

 

 

In Österreich fanden am 22. Mai 2016 Bundespräsidenten-Wahlen statt, die erst am
darauffolgenden Tag – nach Auszählung der Wahlkarten – zu einem hauchdünnen Sieg von
Alexander Van der Bellen gegenüber dem bis dahin favorisierten Norbert Hofer geführt
haben. Im Wahlkampf in Österreich, aber auch in den USA spielt die jeweilige Rhetorik der
KandidatInnen eine zunehmend große Rolle in Bezug auf die Mobilisierung von
WählerInnenstimmen. Diese Rhetorik bedient sich vorherrschender Ressentiments, um
gewisse Begriffe wie z.B. „Heimat“ - der in Österreich von den linken und den rechten
Kräften gleichermaßen instrumentalisiert wird – mit Gefühlen zu verketten und ihren
Symbolcharakter zu stärken. Andererseits werden Themen wie die Flüchtlingssituation und
damit verbundene Vorurteile vor allem von den rechten Parteien dazu genutzt, um
Stimmungen aufzuheizen und damit – wie im Falle Orbans – die eigene Position
innenpolitisch zu stärken. Sprache dient nicht nur zur Abbildung von Zuständen sondern ist
auch in der Lage, die Konstruktion von gesellschaftlichen Zuständen zu beeinflussen und
somit Handlungsspielräume für die politische Gestaltung in die eine oder andere Richtung
(mit)-herzustellen.

 

Die Veranstaltung findet in deutscher Sprache statt und die Teilnahme ist kostenlos.

 

Um Anmeldung unter office@ustinov.at oder secretariat@iip.at wird gebeten

 

 

Perspektiven für Versöhnung in der Ukraine: Ein Aufruf

12/04/2016 11:46

Am 12. April 2016 erschien, auf Initiative von Dr. Peter Steyrer,  in der österreichischen Tageszeitung Die Presse ein Aufruf zum Dialog in der aktuellen Ukraine-Krise, welcher vom IIP mitiniziiert und unterstützt wird.

 

Unter untenstehendem Link können Sie den Aufruf lesen. Das IIP und die anderen unterstützenden Personen und Organisationen bemühen sich um die Forumlierung von Umsetzungs- bzw. Gestaltungsmöglichkeiten im Sinne des Aufrufes und rufen zu einer umfassenden Kooperation in diesem Zusammenhang auf. Ideen und Vorschläge können unter secretariat@iip.at an uns weitergeleitet werden.

 

2016-04 Dialogaufruf Ukraine.pdf (687880)

 

Für Interessierte:

 

Das IIP hat im Juni 2015 in der Diplomatischen Akademie in Wien eine Podiumsdiskussion mit Prof. Heinz Gärtner, Prof. Vladimir Gligorov, Prof. Hans-Georg Heinrich und Dr. Dimitar Dimitrov zum Thema:

Quo Vadis Ukraine? Ökonomie, Oligarchie und Geopolitik

veranstaltet. Eine Zusammenfassung der Inhalte finden Sie hier:  2015-06-07 Summary Quo Vadis Ukraine.pdf (18865)

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Ending the Refugee Crisis: Geopolitical challenges for Turkey-EU relationship

14/03/2016 15:31

 

Das International Institute for Peace möchte Sie auf folgende Veranstaltung des Kreisky-Forum aufmerksam machen

 

 

ENDING THE REFUGEE CRISIS
Geopolitical challenges for Turkey-EU relationship

 

 

Monday, March 14 2016, 7 p.m.

 

Bruno Kreisky Forum for International Dialogue, Armbrustergasse 15, 1190 Vienna in Kooperation mit International Institute for Peace

R.s.v.p.:  Tel.: 3188260/20 | e-mail: einladung.kreiskyforum@kreisky.org

 

 

Selim Yenel
Ambassador of Turkey at EU in Brussels

Gerald Knaus

President and Founder of European Stability Initiative ESI

Co-discussant and moderator:

Hannes Swoboda
President of IIP –International Institute for Peace and Member of Bruno Kreisky Forum Board

 

The situation on the European Union's external borders in the Eastern Mediterranean is out of control. In 2015, more than 500,000 migrants and refugees have reached the EU by sea, most of them via Greece. And the numbers keep rising. The vast majority of people arriving in Greece during this period were Syrians. They are all likely to be given refugee status in the EU if they reach it; in 2014, the recognition rate of Syrian asylum applications was above 95 percent. But to claim asylum in the EU, they need to undertake a perilous journey by land and sea.
With such numbers now on the move, the European Union cannot hope to prevent mass arrivals without the support of Turkey. But the notion that Turkey will employ heavy security measures to prevent the departure of Syrians, and take back those who reach Greece, while Europe stands by, is completely unrealistic. Short of a resolution to the Syrian conflict, what is needed now is a serious commitment to burden-sharing and solidarity. The only way this crisis can be resolved is with Turkish cooperation.

Militärische Interventionen und EU Solidarität: Zwischen Gewaltverbot und Schutzverantwortung

22/02/2016 18:00

Einladung zur Podiumsdiskussion:

 

Militärische Interventionen und EU-Solidarität: Zwischen Gewaltverbot und Schutzverantwortung

 

 

Termin:                                          Montag, 22. Februar 2016, 18.00 Uhr

Ort:                                               Diplomatische Akademie Wien, Favoritenstraße 15A, 1040 Wien, Musikzimmer

 

Begrüßung

HANNES SWOBODA                      Präsident des International Institute for Peace (IIP)

HANS WINKLER                             Direktor, Diplomatische Akademie

 

 

Moderation:

HANNES SWOBODA                    Präsident des International Institute for Peace (IIP)

 

Podium:

HEINZ GÄRTNER                           Austrian Institute for International Affairs (OIIP)

URSULA HANN                              Direktion für Sicherheitspolitik (BMLVS)

FRANZ LEIDENMÜHLER                 Vorstand des Instituts für Europarecht, JKU Linz

ULRIKE LUNACEK                         Vizepräsidentin Europäisches Parlament und

                                                     Delegationsleitern der Grünen Österreich im

                                                     Europäischen Parlament

 

Inhalt:

Bewaffnete Eingriffe in innerstaatliche Konflikte sind in den letzten Jahren immer wieder als Ultima Ratio genannt worden, um der internationalen Schutzverantwortung oder dem Recht auf Selbstverteidigung nachzukommen. Unterschieden wird einerseits zwischen UN-mandatierten und daher rechtmäßigen Interventionen und uni- bzw. multilateralen Interventionen, wie wir sie momentan in Syrien beobachten können, wo Frankreich, Großbritannien und die USA den sogenannten „Krieg gegen den Terror“, welcher bereits im Jahre 2001 in Afghanistan begonnen hat, fortführen.

Es stellt sich jedoch die Frage nach der Sinnhaftigkeit solcher militärischen Interventionen. Welchen Absichten dienen diese letztendlich? Wer führt sie durch und zu welchen Zwecken? Welche Auswirkungen haben und hatten militärische Interventionen in der Vergangenheit und welche Möglichkeiten haben Staaten wie bspw. das neutrale Österreich oder andere Bündnisse (EU, NATO) innerhalb oder auch außerhalb solcher Interventions-Koalitionen? Wann wird eine Intervention als effizient und effektiv gesehen bzw. wie nachhaltig ist sie, und können solche Interventionen in letzter Konsequenz zu Solidaritätsverpflichtungen (wenn ja, zu welchen) innerhalb der EU führen?

 

Die Veranstaltung findet in deutscher Sprache statt.

 

Um Anmeldung unter secretariat@iip.at wird gebeten.

 

Mit freundlicher Unterstützung von

 

Austrian Institute for International Affairs (OIIP)

Diplomatische Akademie Wien (DA)

Austria Institut für Europa- und Sicherheitspolitik (AIES)

 

Peace in the Middle East

15/12/2015 11:59

Peace in Europe depends strongly on war and peace in the Middle East. This has never been more clear and visible than after the terrorist attacks in Paris this November. Irrespective and independently from the recent refugee stream from Iraq and Syria we have to recognize the new level of interdependence. The links with the regions "south" of the Mediterranean Sea became so strong that a separation via new borders and walls is impossible. Such demands of the populists are leading nowhere.

 

The refugees coming from the Middle East strengthened that interdependence and affected and included most of the Balkan countries. In consequence also in the Balkans, stability and peace is very much influenced by developments in the crisis regions of the Southern Mediterranean, especially by developments in the Middle East. All European countries therefore must have an interest to formulate and implement a common and comprehensive policy to counter the risks a continuation of war and instability in the Southern Mediterranean would have.

 

Military interventions and the periphery strikes back

 

In previous times this dependence was mainly one-sided and the West and/or Turkey as centre of the Ottoman Empire were the masters. It was a centre-periphery relationship, where it was clear that European powers including the Ottomans dominated, occupied and colonized the different Arab countries. Things changed dramatically with the break-up of the Ottoman Empire after World War I and again with the withdrawal of the British and French colonial powers after World War II. Nevertheless neo-colonial influences by these powers, the USA and partly the Soviet Union existed over many years and were also interwoven into the still unsolved Israeli-Palestine conflict. But now the periphery strikes back - in various, partly devastating ways.

 

Bush II and his administration was especially active in trying to enhance the Western influence in that region under the cover of a strategy of democratization. The "Wider Middle East" from Pakistan to Morocco should be democratized from the outside with economic incentives like bilateral trade agreements and military intervention when "necessary". And for such a strategy the US found also some European countries to join the "Coalition of the Willing".

 

France which was defying and rejecting such a coalition had its own military actions when intervening in Libya. In all cases of these military adventures the intervening powers did not think about a strategy for the day or days after. Or there existed strategies, but without any sensibility for and knowledge of the precarious domestic political situation. The different - changing - US policies for Iraq were a clear demonstration of such failed strategies. The radical dismantling of the the state authorities by the US was one of the most devastating measures of such a "strategy" in Iraq. One only can hope, that this grave mistake will not be repeated this time with Syria.

 

Chaos, turmoil and an upsurge of terrorism were the result of these different military interventions and partly also of the internal revolutions after the "Arab spring". The optimism and enthusiasm after several of these revolts faded soon away. Nevertheless they were the background for the support for different rebel groups in Syria, again without knowledge of the specific domestic political situation in that country.

 

Regional fight for supremacy

 

The situation was aggravated by a rising competition between the Sunni power of Saudi-Arabia and the Shiite centre in Iran. Both countries which represent the two major orientations of Islam try to defend their existing influence and/or try to extend their power. Many wars, especially the one in Syria can also be seen as proxy wars. Turkey for some time tried to stay in the middle, in a balance between Iran and Saudi-Arabia, but in the end leaned more and more towards the Sunni cause and definitely against President Assad.

 

Turkey - as many other countries especially in the EU and the US - had the illusion, that President Assad will be ousted in some weeks or at least in some months. Things developed differently. Following the stalemate between Assad and the rebel forces, Turkey executed an ambiguous policy towards some extreme opposition forces. In addition Turkey is looking - at least - with some skepticism at the activities of the Syrian Kurds. After having built a constructive and even friendly relationship with the Kurdish Regional Government in Iraq, President Erdogan was not interested in having a new autonomous Kurdish region, this time governed by forces connected with the PKK.

 

 

The Kurdish issue

 

The European Union with many Kurds inside their member countries must be particularly interested in designing a policy of supporting the interests of the Kurds while respecting the borders of the different countries of the region. This would only be possible if a concept of regionalization and transborder cooperation can be developed as a contribution to peace and stability. Solidarity with the Kurds must not imply and include support for demands to change existing borders, especially of Turkey and ethnic cleansing against any non-Kurds in the regions acquired by Kurdish forces.

 

Delivering arms to the Kurds may be the best way to beat back some of the terrorist groups, especially when Western powers want to avoid to deploy troops on the ground. But the US and the EU should be clearer about the role of Kurdish political and military forces the days after fighting the terrorist enemy: whatever regional autonomy can be envisaged it must not be the source of new conflicts and wars.

 

Russia comes in

 

In the mean time the widely forgotten and neglected power, Russia also made it clear, that it has specific interests in the region. While Russia always made that clear, it was not really accepted by the "West" and it was not expected Russia would actively participate in the region's struggles. Russia is economically weakened, especially due to the lower oil price, but it has some military assets, one cannot overlook. And it is ready to come into the scene by deploying military forces.

 

Some say this military intervention has just the purpose of saving Assad and/or has the intention to divert from the Ukraine crisis and Russian activities there. In fact both intentions are in line with the general policy of President Putin to regain influence and be respected as world leader. Russia is still a force we have to count with. The exclusion of Putin from G8 meetings and the cancellation of the NATO - Russia council was anyway leading to nowhere. And Putin is now forcing the Western leaders to speak with him again and that is necessary if we want peace and stability in Europe.

 

 

Critical situations at home

 

On the home front, inside the EU and the (candidate) countries of the Balkans new developments aggravated the security situation. The rising number of refugees created new concerns and new tasks for the transit countries and especially for the host countries. The number of Muslims in these countries was and is rising and this affords more efforts for the integration of men and women and many children with different cultural and religions background.

 

Already in the past this task was not undertaken in a sufficient and satisfying way. Many political forces stereotyped and alienated the Muslim population. This exclusion of Muslim minorities had consequences. The "banlieues" in France and Belgium, to mention two countries, generated many young people outside the mainstream of society. They were and are angry about their families, who were normally quite satisfied with their living conditions and with the compromises they had to accept as Muslims in predominately Christian environments. And they are angry with the host countries military engagement in the Muslim region south of the Mediterranean. They see countries like France as still colonizing the Arab world outside its borders and discriminating Arabs inside its borders and keeping them outside their societies.

 

The "pure" Islam and an aggressive djihad preached and spread by some Imams in the Middle East and in European countries deliver the "ideal" ideology also to people who until recently were not religious at all. Olivier Roi speaks in that connection of the "Islamization of the radicals" which he opposes to the thesis of the "radicalization of the Islam". It is this Islamization of radical attitudes of young Muslims (original or converted) which creates many dangers and risks to EU countries. And the Islamization is directly connected with the wars in the Middle East and beyond. By that way ISIS is attracting some youngsters of non-radical families in European countries. In all cases Islam is misused to justify unbelievable and unjustifiable atrocities.

 

Again and again it has to be underlined, that the problem is not connected to the Islam as such, but with exclusion and frustration of Muslim youth, which leads some young people to be seduced by radical and extremists ideology. Integration into main society is the major answer. Concerning the refugees we need therefore a European "Willkommenskultur" and an active integration policy. Outright rejection and prejudices against these refugees would not help, in the contrary. But of course the best strategy would be to work towards peace and reconstruction. And that may and should include a decisive role for refugees who got support and training in European countries.

 

A comprehensive strategy - with domestic and external elements

 

Any strategy of fighting and beating terrorism must be developed as a comprehensive strategy for peace inside Europe. And peace inside Europe can only be achieved by a combination of policies undertaken inside the European countries and those in the Middle East at the same time. The dominant reliance on bombs is very dangerous. Bombs have always collateral damages as a result. Often people are pushed to join the rebel forces for protection against outside forces. And it "needs" many killed civilians before the terrorists can be beaten. At least the West and particular the EU countries must be implementing a comprehensive strategy with domestic and foreign policy elements included.

 

Islam and Europe

 

The problem is not to have Muslims inside the EU countries. The countries of the Balkans have shown, that Muslims live in harmony with their Christian (Jewish etc.) brethren and sisters. The condition for such a harmony is that they are treated as equals with respect and recognition. They should not live in systems of "Apartheid" as the French Prime Minister, Manuel Valls said after the attack against the journalists of Charlie Hebdo. The strategy against any kind of "Apartheid" and for integration is an indispensable element of a strategy against terrorism. We must develop that domestic fight against terrorism as a fight for deradicalisation and not as a fight against a religion. That inside "Islam" there should be also a fight for a tolerant and peaceful interpretation - as we can find it again and again in its history - is another story.

 

Progress and democracy from inside

 

The other side is a reformulation of our Mediterranean or Middle East policies. We cannot and should not conduct a policy of withdrawal from that region. But we should offer alternatives to an enforced democratization from the outside. Opening up our markets and our universities and offering support for professional training are as important as investment cooperations. This policy must be defined as a partnership with the citizens of the region, irrespective of the ruling class and authorities.

 

Democracy must be developed from inside the countries concerned, parallel to economic and social development. Of course there is no guarantee, but military interventions definitely bring neither democracy nor stability or implementation of Human Rights. As we see with the critical developments in some EU countries, EU institutions have big difficulties to enforce Human Rights standards inside the EU itself. While the EU must be very strict to its member countries, it should be more pragmatic in its external relations without aligning itself with dictators and authoritarian leaders. But in the interest of peace and stability we have to speak and deal with them in addition to an alliance with the citizens, which always has support for democracy in its focus.

 

A way-out of military adventures

 

As war and terrorism already exist - not least in consequence of US and partly European military interventions - we must work on a way out from military actions and for peace. There is no alternative to a broad coalition of countries who can contribute to peace. The agreement with Iran on the nuclear issue improved the conditions for a new and peaceful Middle East decisively by creating a new balance of powers. The bigger countries of the region: Saudi-Arabia, Turkey and Iran must be brought to the conviction, that a continuation of the war in Syria and a permanent fight for supremacy will in the end result only in chaos and terrorism to all of them. That is an experience European countries can vividly describe and we should transfer this knowledge to the countries of the region. Supporting terrorist groups will backfire one day.

 

The Palestinian conflict

 

And of course the EU must not forget one of the core crisis, the one between Israel and Palestine. Even if and when other events are overshadowing this conflict, it is still existing and people are killed nearly every day. At any time a new intifada may arise and conditions to find a peaceful solutions may deteriorate further. Too many occasions have already been missed to force the two sides to find a solution.

 

Only a policy which would give all citizens of Israel and Palestine equal rights, opportunities and safety can prepare the ground for solving the conflict. Institutional issues about a two or one state solution can be thought of after agreeing on and implementing these principles. The West has to act, and as the US is in no position to act alone as an honest broker the EU must deal also with this neighborhood of ours.

 

A reset for relations with Russia

 

In addition, the West cannot think and suppose, it is only them who have justified interest in the region. Russia has also rights and interests it wants to have respected. But also for Russia it would be useful to actively promote a strategy of peace and see the realities on the ground. President Assad is not an asset, but a factor of instability. He can never be a legitimate authority again. That does not exclude transition periods where he and his allies can play a stabilizing role. But staying there for a longer time would be a provocation for many people and making any fight against ISIS or similar forces difficult to win.

 

In its recent "Final Report of the Panel of Eminent Persons on European Security as a Common Project" some interesting proposals have been presented to revitalize and strengthen the OSCE. But it would need a stronger commitment from the side of the West, especially the EU and NATO and the side of Russia to establish an All European Security System. The common threat coming from the continuation of war in the Middle East and different terrorist groups should be an occasion to reconsider the New Cold War of the past month. The existing differences cannot be overcome easily, but with good will on all sides it is possible. The countries in-between from Ukraine to the Balkans could be happy about such a detente. And the same is true for all the people of the Middle East.

 

Hannes Swoboda

Podiumsdiskussion: Sicherheit für Europa – Wege aus den Krisen Russland als möglicher Lösungsfaktor?

14/12/2015 17:00

Das International Institute for Peace möchte Sie auf untenstehende Veranstaltung des Karl-Renner-Instituts und der Forschungsstelle für Eurasische Studien (EURAS) aufmerksam machen.

 

Podiumsdiskussion

 

Sicherheit für Europa – Wege aus den Krisen

Russland als möglicher Lösungsfaktor?

 

Termin

Montag, 14. Dezember 2015, 17.00 Uhr

 

Ort

Karl-Renner-Institut, Bruno-Kreisky-Saal

Eingang: Gartenhotel Altmannsdorf (Hotel 1)

Hoffingergasse 26, 1120 Wien

 

Begrüßung

Gerhard Marchl, Karl-Renner-Institut, Fachbereich Europäische Politik

ALEXANDER DUBOWY, Universität Wien, Koordinator der Forschungsstelle für Eurasische Studien (EURAS); Universität Wien / Landesverteidigungsakademie Wien, Abteilung für Polemologie und Rechtsethik

 

Podium

HEIDEMARIA GÜRER, Bundesministerium für Europa, Integration und Äußeres, Leiterin der Abteilung für Osteuropa, Südkaukasus, Zentralasien, östliche Nachbarschaftspolitik der EU, Östliche Partnerschaft

ANDREY V. KORTUNOV, Generaldirektor des Russian International Affairs Council (RIAC) und Präsident des Fonds „Neues Eurasien“

SERGEY M. MARKEDONOV, Russische Staatliche Geisteswissenschaftliche Universität (RGGU), Dozent am Lehrstuhl für Regionalstudien und Außenpolitik

PETER W. SCHULZE, Georg-August-Universität Göttingen, Professor am Institut für Politikwissenschaft

CHRISTIAN STADLER, Universität Wien, stv. Leiter der Forschungsstelle für Eurasische Studien (EURAS); Universität Wien / Landesverteidigungsakademie Wien, Leiter der Abteilung für Polemologie und Rechtsethik

 

Moderation und Schlusswort

HANNES SWOBODA, Präsident des International Institute for Peace (IIP) und des Sir Peter Ustinov Instituts zur Erforschung und Bekämpfung von Vorurteilen

 

Anmeldung

 

Die Veranstaltung findet in deutscher und russischer Sprache mit Simultanübersetzung statt.

Im Anschluss besteht die Möglichkeit zum Austausch bei Erfrischungsgetränken und Snacks.

 

Mit freundlicher Unterstützung von

Abteilung für Polemologie und Rechtsethik der Universität Wien | International Institute for Peace (IIP) | Landesverteidigungsakademie | Institut für den Donauraum und Mitteleuropa (IDM)

 

Mit der Teilnahme an der Veranstaltung stimmen Sie der Veröffentlichung von Fotos und Filmaufnahmen, die im Rahmen der Veranstaltung entstehen, zu.

 

Esther Mujawayo: Surviving the Genocide in Rwanda

25/11/2015 09:56

Esther Mujawayo: Surviving the Genocide in Rwanda

 

‘Genocide in Africa has not received the same attention that genocide in Europe or genocide in Turkey or genocide in other parts of the world. There is still this kind of basic discrimination against the African people and the African problems’.

¬Boutros Boutros-Ghali

 

The Rwandese Genocide which took place in 1994 between April and July was one of the most horrendous crimes after WW II where an estimated 700 000 – 1 000 000 Tutsi and moderate Hutu[1] have been slaughtered either by military governmental groups like e.g. the Interahamwe or militia of the Impuzamugambi[2] but also by the Presidential Guard, Rwandese Government Forces (RGF), National Police and most remarkably by parts of the Hutu civil society.

 

Although it seemed as if the pogroms, mass killings and slaughters happened spontaneous and unorganized, triggered by the shoot down of the plane with the president Juvénal Habyarimana and other prominent figures on board – including the then president of Burundi - on April 6th 1994, the genocide, which started just hours later, was the result of a conscious decision of a modern elite, which tried to preserve its power through the dissemination of hate and fear. They spurred the majority against the minority in order to regain control over the increasing opposition within the Rwandese army (cp. Des Forges: 16). The Hutu population, which had already been prepared and armed the months before, have been addressed by local officials, blaming that the RPF[3] killed the president. This initiated the genocide.

 

Mrs. Esther Mujawayo is one of the survivors of this genocide in which her husband as well as more than 200 relatives have been killed. On November 23rd 2015 she told students at the Vienna University about her past, what had happened to her and her family but also how she and her three daughters survived and how her life has been going on after what had happened to her and her family and friends.

Mrs. Mujawayo explains that massacres against the Tutsi population have a long history in the post-colonial Rwanda since the colonial rulers strengthened distinctions between the groups of Hutu and Tutsi, favouring the less numerous group of Tutsis because of their tallness and relative whiteness and their social status in society[4]. Her family has already been victim of arson and cattle theft in 1959 – three years before independence - and again later in 1973. Esther tells that those attacks did not result in any form of prosecution of the perpetrators at all. This time, she tells, has been one of silence and impunity along with Tutsi-hostile propaganda. Even she herself grew up singing e.g. a very popular song, which with regard to its content, meant nothing else than “Let us eradicate them, let us eradicate them…” (cp. Mujawayo 2007:24).

 

Mrs. Mujawayo emphasizes the important role of political speeches, mass media and especially of popular private radio channels, which directly supported the radicalisation and which used widespread hate propaganda aiming at de-humanizing the Tutsi population by calling them “cockroaches” and blaming them to plot against the Hutu population. This already started two years earlier in 1992 and ultimately led 1994 to the genocide, killing nearly one million people within three months only. The violence which swept into the country did not have any limits. An estimated 75% of the Tutsi population living in Rwanda have been murdered – along with moderate Hutus - , leaving also a very bitter taste of the role of the international community, which soon after the start of the killings was eager to evacuate foreign citizens, but did not intervene accurately, although experts did warn their embassies and organisations already since 1992 due to information they had about training camps of militia, armament as well as circulating lists about Tutsi and other oppositional politicians. The political will to intervene was clearly missing and Europe was busy with the war in Yugoslavia[5].

 

After the genocide – the RPF reached Kigali on the 17th of July – the country was soaked with blood and the surviving Tutsi (but also many Hutu) had to live with the losses of their families, friends and children leaving thousands of traumatised people. Although the UN Security Council created the ad hoc tribunal for Rwanda (International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, ICTR) in November 1994[6], located in Arusha, Tanzania, most of the survivors still had to live next to the murderers of their family and friends.

Mrs. Mujawayo says that she has always been very sceptical on the concept of forgiveness and pardoning the perpetrators because it has such a huge moral and religious connotation, which might not be useful for oneself. When dealing with the past, Esther tells us, she thinks it is very important to reconcile with oneself. Many Tutsi felt very guilty for not being able to save their beloved ones, so reconciliation is very important for the survivors and their own well-being. To overcome her ghosts of the past, Esther wrote two books in which she deals with her own story. She was also a co-founder of the organisation AVEVA (Association des veuves du génocide d’Avril) where ca. 35 000 widows of the genocide receive medical and psychosocial support and are accompanied in judicial procedures. Besides, AVEVA is also engaged in policy lobbying and it is and especially has been shortly after the genocide, a forum where survivors could meet and talk about their horrible experiences. The association therefore tried to de-stigmatise the many raped women by giving a voice to them and assuring them that they are not alone. As a trauma-therapist Mrs. Mujawayo knows that you are able to overcome the trauma, but that the events will never vanish from your personal history. Nowadays she works as a trauma therapist in Germany.

 

21 years after the genocide in Rwanda the world is still not a safe place. Xenophobic and racist offenses against refugees or shelters which host refugees have been increasing dramatically in middle Europe in 2015. Right wing politicians and populists are on the rise in many European states and the rhetoric with regard to refugees  worsened radically. The 'West' is not taking into account any complicity in creating events which ultimately led to the refugee crisis in Syria but also in large parts of Africa, already long before 2015. It might not be useful to talk about who is to blame but it is inevitable to reconsider the concept of a national state which puts the maintenance of its power or the power of its elites into its centre and which tries to encapsulate itself with higher and better fences without re-examining the possibilities the whole world would have when there would be an actual effort to solve global problems globally and commonly. These days you hear many voices claiming that they alone cannot take in all the refugees, which is true, but where are the voices affirming that they do not have to take care alone? In the preparations of the genocide the Rwandan population was brainwashed telling them that there is no space for the Tutsi refugees to come back to Rwanda leading ultimately to the idea of eradicating them all. “Never again!” was the slogan after WWII, but it did happen again in Rwanda, in Burundi, in Indonesia, in Nicaragua, in Argentina, in Srebrenica et al. and as long as the international community, which is constituted by all national states, is not willing to put every possible effort to prevent those atrocities, the future and safety of the people of North-East Nigeria, Syria, Iraq, Afghanistan, Somalia, Mali, and many more is very uncertain - and so is ours.

 

 

 Stephanie Fenkart



[1] The differentiation between the groups of Hutu and Tutsi goes far beyond the German and then Belgian colonialization and was mainly defined through the social status which means that the Tutsi have mostly been herdmen owning cows and the Hutu were merely tillers. However, they shared the same language, tradition and culture.

[2] The Interahamwe and the Impuzamugambi have both been armed Hutu groups. While the Interahamwe – by far the most numerous group - was recruiting its members from the governing party of the Mouvement Républicain National pour la Démocratie et le Développement (MRND) which was in power from 1975-1994 – although they were formally independent from the MRND - the Impuzamugambi was the paramilitary wing of the Coalition pour la Défense de la République (CDR), a far-right party which was following the ideology of Hutu power and which was allied with the MRND.

[3]Since the ethnic purges in 1959 a lot of Tutsi fled Rwanda. In the beginning of the 90s an estimated 600 000 Tutsi refugees were living in neighbouring countries. In 1987 these refugees created the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) which invaded Rwanda since the early 90s resulting in the Arusha accords in 1993, which was intended to create a power-sharing government. In this context the plane of the president has been shot down in April 1994 although it is highly doubtful that the RPF had something to do with this attack, they have been accused and the genocide started already the next day.

[4] Besides Hutu and Tutsi, there are also the Twa and the so called Naturalisé; until 1994 the IDs in Rwanda showed those four notions, where the three not applicable have been eliminated.

[5] “In such countries, genocide is not too important…”

Words attributed to French President Francois Mitterand, reported by Philip Gourevitch in Reversing the Reversals of War, The New Yorker, 26 April 1999

[6] Until today, the 24th of November, the ICTR delivered 93 verdicts against persons responsible for committing genocide. The ICTR was also the first institution to recognise rape as a means of perpetrating genocide. For more information please see https://www.unictr.org/en/tribunal

 

Literature:

Philip Gourevitch (1999) Reversing the Reversals of War, The New Yorker, 26 April 1999

Alison Des Forges (2002) Kein Zeuge darf überleben, Der Genozid in Ruanda, Hamburg, S. 16.

Esther Mujawayo, Souad Belhaddad (2006) Auf der Suche nach Stéphanie, Ruanda zwischen Versöhnung und Verweigerung, Paris

 


 

Terror and Europe's Reaction

24/11/2015 15:56

Hannes Swboda

 

No country can accept these attacks and must strike back. And all our sympathies are with the killed, the other victims and their families and certainly not with the killers. But at the same time we have to look at the root causes of these dreadful deeds in order to prevent further killings.

 

The failures of military interventions

 

We must learn from the disasters of nearly all military interventions undertaken by the "West" - from Afghanistan to Iraq and Libya - and from the lack of a convincing strategy of supporting civil societies in these countries. In addition, the primitive attitude towards the uprising in Syria, not taking into account the special condition, leads to a human disaster. More and more we see the consequences today in the form of millions of refugees and terrorist attacks. It would be counterproductive, if the intellectual foreign and security experts would only speak about bombs, troops on the ground etc. But many do just that and are not ready to go deeper in their analysis.

 

How many innocent people have already been killed by US and some European interventions, how many cities have been destroyed? Nobody is really speaking about that. It is not about justifying what can never be justified by reasonable people. Terrorism against innocent citizens cannot be tolerated. But we must correct a course which at least contributes to these disasters in and for Europe.

 

If we would spend only part of the money spent in wars, on students exchange, training programs for apprentices, opening of our markets for the goods and services of our Mediterranean neighbors we would have created a nucleus of middle classes in the different Mediterranean countries. But stability was seen as old fashioned and we thought we can, we even must bring revolution and democracy to our neighbors by force.

 

Seeing clearer the intentions of our "allies"

 

Too long we have been very tolerant towards the Wahhabi interpretation of Islam coming from Saudi Arabia and some other Gulf countries. Many countries, especially also France, concentrated on Iran and saw in its government and in Assad the biggest enemies. And leading Turkish politicians could speak about ISIS as just "a gang of dissatisfied people "  and compare them to the PKK - without a strong reaction from NATO etc.

 

Yes we need Turkey for many issues - including stopping the slaughtering in Syria - and especially to establish peace. So we also need Saudi Arabia and  Iran. Only a balance of power can bring peace and not a one-sided support for one or the other regional power. And if we like Russia with Putin as its leader or not,  we have to talk to the Russian leadership and involve President Putin. As we know from history, we cannot always choose our allies in fighting against evil forces. And now we have a chance to reestablish constructive relations with Russia. And consequently we can more easily deal with existing conflicts like the one in Ukraine. But we should certainly not align ourselves to the way Putin is (and was) fighting terrorism in Chechnya. And we should not accept a "Russian" line in domestic security policy.

 

How many lives (also in Europe) we could have saved, if such a more balanced policy would have been implemented. The military reaction to the terrorists now must not prevent us from looking for a comprehensive and more balanced approach of the West. Many criticize President Obama for his reluctance to go into Syria with troops on the ground and his careful policy. But should we push him to another military disaster? We in Europe need a thorough reflection of the past military engagements and prepare a new strategy of civil support for the citizens instead of military engagement when it is too late. This transition is not easy with the old French combination of missionary intentions - expressed by many intellectuals - and the readiness to intervene military. But it is time to change the narrative. Peace in our neighbourhood could bring peace again to our countries.

Spanien vor den Wahlen

23/11/2015 18:00

Podiumsdiskussion

 

Spanien vor den Wahlen

 

Termin

Montag, 23. November 2015, 18.00 Uhr

 

Ort

Karl-Renner-Institut, Bruno-Kreisky-Saal

Eingang: Gartenhotel Altmannsdorf (Hotel 1)

Hoffingergasse 26, 1120 Wien

(erreichbar mit U6, Station „Am Schöpfwerk“)

 

Begrüßung und Moderation

Gerhard Marchl, Karl-Renner-Institut, Fachbereich Europäische Politik

 

Podium

GEORG FEIGL, AK Wien, Abteilung Wirtschaftswissenschaft und Statistik

JOSEF MANOLA, ORF-Korrespondent in Madrid

RUTH SIMSA, WU Wien, Institut für Soziologie, Leiterin des Forschungsprojekts „Zivilgesellschaft in Spanien“

PETER STANIA, International Institute for Peace, Vizepräsident

 

 

The Renner Institute and the International Institute for Peace did organise a meeting in the context of the Spanish elections which will take place on the 2oth of December 2015. The speakers on the podium have been Georg Feigl from the (Arbeiterkammer; Department for Economic Sciences and Statistics), Mr. Josef Manola (journalist of the ORF in Madrid), Mrs. Ruth Simsa (the University of Economics; Institute for Sociology and leader of the project “Civil Society in Spain”) and Peter Stania (the International Institute for Peace).

Around 50 participants attended the meeting, among them journalists, members of the trade unions, diplomats and students.

It is intended to organise a following meeting after the elections in January 2016.

 

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